Psychological distress, gender, and health lifestyles in Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine
Introduction
There have been several studies of the health crisis that began over 40 years ago in the former Soviet Union and continues today in some of its successor states. An unprecedented rise in mortality, especially for males, and a corresponding fall in life expectancy characterize this crisis. Some sources suggest stress is a major cause, but its precise role is unknown because of a paucity of empirical evidence (Leon & Shkolnikov, 1998; Shkolnikov, Cornia, Leon, & Meslé, 1998; Siegrist, 2000). Stress was not a state-sanctioned area of study in the former Soviet Union and research on this topic has been slow to develop in post-Soviet societies.
Whereas it is impossible to assess the past connection between stress and mortality because of the lack of data, there are data allowing us to investigate the relationship between psychological distress and health lifestyles in selected present-day former Soviet republics. The term psychological distress refers to an adverse mental state involving marked depression and anxiety that falls short of clinical mental illness and is characterized by negative moods and malaise. Mirowsky and Ross (2003) describe it as a state of misery that is a common response to a stressful situation rather than a symptom of disease. Psychological distress is an appropriate measure of mental health for our analysis because Mirowsky and Ross find it undermines an individual's sense of well-being, promotes negative health behaviors (e.g., heavy drinking and smoking), and, if prolonged, may produce physiological reactions that impair health.
The principal aim of this study is to provide an assessment of the association of psychological distress with selected health lifestyle practices in four post-Soviet states: Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine. These data also allow us to draw comparisons between countries and genders. This is an important task because the high premature male mortality over the past four decades is a major exception to the global trend toward increased longevity. The factors that caused this crisis and now prolong it need to be fully understood as the poor health conditions in Russia and some of its neighbors persist in contrast to a longevity revival in Eastern Europe.
Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine were selected for analysis because they share an adverse pattern of life expectancy that has produced the largest gender gap in longevity in the world. The most recent figures for 2003, for example, show Russian females outliving their male counterparts 13.2 years on average (72.0 years of life for women compared to 58.8 years for men). This gap is more than double that of Western countries and four times greater than it was in the 1960s (Shkolnikov, Field, and Andreev, 2001). The gap is not as great in Belarus (11.8 years in 2001), Ukraine (11.3 years in 2002), and Kazakhstan (10.7 years in 2002) as in Russia, but the differences are nonetheless extreme. Moreover, despite the decline in female longevity in each of these countries since 1991, the mortality gap persists as women die earlier and men much earlier. If psychological distress is promoting poor health practices in these former socialist states, the four countries in this study should provide the evidence.
Section snippets
The mortality pattern
Ironically, the downturn in male life expectancy began in the mid-1960s when the former Soviet Union reached its highest level of development. The Soviet economy between 1950 and 1960 grew at a rate faster than any other European country and double that of the United States (Skidelsky, 1995). Levels of life expectancy in communist Europe in the mid-1960s equaled or exceeded those in the West. Additionally, the division of Germany into separate capitalist and socialist states offered a natural
Psychological distress in former Soviet Union
While most of the research on stress focuses on small group interaction or other micro-level stressors that affect individuals in their everyday lives, macro-level stressors originating in the wider society also promote feelings of distress (Aneshensel, Rutter, & Lachenbruch, 1991). The rise and fall of communism is an example. Regardless of whether or not the changes associated with this event were seen as positive or negative by the people directly experiencing them, lives changed
Data and methods
Data were collected by face-to-face interviews () in November 2001. The interviews were conducted by experienced survey research organizations in Belarus (Center for Sociological and Political Research, Belarussian State University); Kazakhstan (Center for the Study of Public Opinion); Russia (Center for Sociological Studies, Moscow State University); and Ukraine (East Ukrainian Foundation for Social Research). The study was funded by the Copernicus Program of the European Union as part
Results
The results of the first analysis are shown in Table 2 comparing males and females in relation to the individual items comprising the psychological distress index. For every item females are significantly more distressed than males at the .001 level. The mean overall score for males is 3.21 and for females is 4.74. The odds ratios indicate that females have a 54–31 percent higher probability of being at risk for a particular symptom of distress compared to males across the entire list of 12
Discussion
These data for Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine show that their female populations express significantly more psychological distress than males, a finding that appears to be the same in most countries (Desjarlais et al., 1995). Greater distress does not translate into drinking alcohol for these women, but it does for smoking cigarettes. Gender differences in socially acceptable behavior may be a major factor in this outcome. In post-Soviet societies it is appropriate masculine—but not
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