Editorial

Trends of suicide vary widely according to time, region, age group, sex, and race. Despite mixed trends of increases or decreases in suicide rates around the world, suicide remains an important public-health problem. In an effort to understand and prevent suicide, researchers have investigated medical, psychosocial, cultural, and socio-economic risk factors associated with the environment as a promising line of research. There is now considerable evidence that childhood and family adversities in general such as childhood sexual and physical abuse, witnessing domestic violence, parental separation or divorce and living with substance abusing, mentally ill or criminal family members may be both strongly interrelated and individually related to suicidal behavior in adolescents as well as adults. The approach towards prevention of suicide has to be multidisciplinary. To recognize that adverse childhood experiences that frequently take place as multiple events, identifying and treating those young people who have been exposed to such experiences, promoting increased awareness among parents, teachers, and health professionals of the important role that severe interpersonal difficulties and dysfunctional cognitions can play in the development of suicidal behavior in young people, and helping parents modify their maladaptive child-rearing behavior could help. Child and family support programs, employment support for mothers, and legal guarantees of gender equality, could moderate problems of socio-economic disparity and poverty, which predicts both parents’ and children’s suicidal behaviors in modern societies.

Injuries cause 9% of deaths and 14% of ill health in the WHO European Region. This problem is neglected; injuries are often seen as part of everyday life. However, although western Europe has good safety levels, death and disability from injury are rising in eastern Europe. People in low-to-middle-income countries in the Region are 3·6 times more likely to die from injuries than those in high-income countries. Economic and political change have led to unemployment, income inequalities, increased traffic, reduced restrictions on alcohol, and loss of social support. Risks such as movement of vulnerable populations and transfer of lifestyles and products between countries also need attention. In many countries, the public-health response has been inadequate, yet the cost is devastating to individuals and health-service budgets. More than half a million lives could be saved annually in the Region if recent knowledge could be used to prevent injuries and thus redress social injustice in this area.

This paper examines the challenges that have faced the implementation of cardiovascular disease (CVD) prevention programmes in Russia since the 1980s in two regions of Russia, and identifies opportunities for improving such efforts.

This study used a mixed methods design consisting of archival data review of health-related policy documents and legislation, and key informant interviews.

CVD is the leading cause of death in Russia, with rapid increases in prevalence following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The MONICA, Tacis and CINDI programmes have played major roles in the development of non-communicable and CVD prevention policies and programmes in Russia since the 1980s. These programmes have assisted in policy and guideline development, and programme implementation. However, significant barriers in realizing such policies and sustaining prevention programmes have been encountered.

Numerous barriers exist in developing and implementing CVD prevention programmes in Russia. More government engagement backed by strong public support is necessary in order to sustain and build capacity for CVD prevention in Russia.

Socio-economic differentials in health in Russia are not well understood and the life course approach has been relatively neglected. This paper examines the influence of socio-economic risk factors over the life course on the self-rated health of older Russian men and women. A random sample (response rate 61%) of the general population of the Russian Federation in 2002 included 1004 men and 1930 women aged 50 years and over in a cross-sectional study. They provided information concerning their childhood circumstances, including going to bed hungry; education; current social conditions, including per capita household income; health behaviours and self-rated health.

There was considerable tracking of adverse social conditions across the life course with men and women who reported hunger in childhood having lower educational achievements, and current household income was strongly influenced by educational attainment. The effect of these socio-economic risk factors on health accumulated with an odds ratio of poor health of 1.87 [1.07–3.28] for men with one risk factor, 3.64 [2.13–6.22] for two risk factors and 4.51 [2.57–7.91] for all three compared to men with no risk factors. For women, the odds ratios were 1.44 [1.05–2.01], 2.88 [2.10–3.93] and 4.27 [3.03–6.00] for one, two and three risk factors, respectively. Current income was the strongest individual predictor for men, and education for women. Adjustment for health behaviours reduced the odds ratios only marginally.

The results suggest that self-rated health in older Russians reflects social exposures accumulated over the life course, with the differentials observed only partially explained by current social conditions. Health behaviours were not involved in mediating social differences in self-rated health. Our results indicate that a life course approach may contribute to the understanding of health in Russia.